Xu Yong basic system. In the primitive traditions of the Eastern countries, unlike the village system in Russia and India, China is a household system, and on this basis, it forms a unique road to rural development in China. These include: agricultural management organizations based on household operations, complementary agricultural and commercial industries based on the integration of agricultural and industrial businesses within households, rural cooperative forms based on mutual assistance between households and households, and rural governance systems based on the joint governance of households and countries. In the process of rural development in China, despite the abandonment of the household system, it still constitutes the institutional background of current and future rural development. In the current and future development of China's rural areas, it is necessary to attach great importance to and in-depth excavation of this basic system and the origin of tradition, and establish the necessary connections between tradition and modernity in order to form a development path with Chinese characteristics.
China is now in the historical transformation between tradition and modernity. In the process of exploring the path of modern society's development, it is equally important to pay attention to the traditional "continuity" and focus on the "innovation" that transcends tradition. Those primitive traditions that can have a long-term impact on modern society constitute the basic system for the development of modern society and are the historical starting point and set conditions for modern society. The preface to his translation of the book by Nobel laureate Amatiasen said: "China must build its future without abandoning its past" and quote a Chinese classic name to this article. Department of Education Humanities Society The focus of the scientific research is on the results of the “Studies on the World's Rural and Peasant Issues in the Modernization Process†of the major project of the Base (11JJD840007). The road to rural development in China is a key issue that I have been concerned about in recent years. In April 2011, the Central Rural Work Leading Group Office convened 10 experts to discuss rural development conferences in Zhongnanhai. Chen Xiwen, director of the office and a famous scholar, spoke at the meeting about the issue of how to promote rural development in the tradition of a long-standing eastern village and hoped that experts would study it. This article is regarded as an answer to Director Chen's suggestion, although it may be an unsatisfactory answer sheet. On May 4, 2012, in the opening speech of the Chen Shuqu Comparative Political Development Research Center at Fudan University, I presented the keynote speech titled "Comparing Foreign Countries as the Ownership System of China's Eastern Villages" with a methodological presentation. Understanding the three basic propositions of historical change: first, the starting point determines the path; second, the transformation of the prototype regulation; third, understanding macro issues with the microscopic mechanism, thus establishing the methodological basis for this article. In this regard, and thank the relevant units and individuals!
The sentence "and the ancient is new." 1 China is a large eastern country with a long tradition of agricultural civilization. It thus constructed a basic national condition of contemporary China, a “big country, a small farmer,†a large peasant country composed of hundreds of millions of farmer households; and it has formed a unique “long history†process. "Chinese characteristics" includes a unique Chinese national tradition. This tradition is not only different from the “western†manor tradition represented by Western Europe, but also different from Russia and India. Therefore, only through in-depth and detailed comparison can we accurately grasp the ontological system with “Chinese characteristicsâ€. Seek the historical context and future trend of China's rural development path from tradition, and establish the relationship between tradition and modernity. This article attempts to make some discussion on the tradition, the tradition of Chinese households and the road to rural development.
I. Recognition of “Traditional†and “Oriental†Since the abolition of the people’s communes system, China has always used family management as the basic production and management system in rural areas.
The “Family Farm†first proposed in the No. 1 Document of the Central Committee in 2013 still regards the family as the basic production and business unit.
The production and management of one household can be said to be the ontological issue of rural development in China. However, the Chinese academic community lacks in-depth discussion on this issue. Wang Huning’s early exploration of the "China's Village and Family Culture in a Pair of Chinese Social Modernization Explorations" published in 1991 earlier noted the relevance of traditional Chinese culture and modernization, but did not discuss the ontological issue of Chinese rural society. In the late 1990s, Zhang Letian described the village system as the ontological tradition of China's rural areas in his book “Farewell to Ideal: A Study of the People's Commune System.†However, Qin Hui thinks that this is the view of Japanese scholars. It also has the characteristics of Japan's rural ontological system, and has published the "Great Community Standard" and traditional Chinese society. It regards the People's Commune as a "major community-based tradition" for China. Strengthened. 3 In the recent discussions on the new tradition of socialism, some scholars have also advocated treating the people's communes as a new tradition in China today. 4 Then, how do we understand the historical tradition, what is the traditional system that governs China’s rural development and has a long-term role? The changes in society are governed by historical inertia. Social factors that have been formed and accumulated through long-term social history will affect society today and tomorrow. Changes and paths have regulatory implications, forming a “base†of social development or what Marx said: “People create their own history, but they are not created as they please, not created under conditions that they have chosen. But in the direct, established, and inherited from the past, Amatiasen: "Development with freedom", Ren Wei, Yu Zhenzhi, Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, Wang Huning: "The Contemporary Chinese Village A Study of Family Culture on China's Social Modernization. Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 1991.
Qin Hui, "Peasant China: Historical Reflections and Realistic Choices", Zhengzhou: Henan People's Publishing House, 2003, created under conditions. "1 Therefore, the question first lies in how we understand and understand the "traditional".
To measure from two aspects. First, it is a constructive concept. It is the comparison and distinction between new and old. The old belongs to tradition. As a constructive concept, it is divided into two discourse systems. The first is the revolutionary discourse, which basically holds a negative attitude toward the tradition. Marx and Engels stated in the "Producing Party Declaration": "The communist revolution is the most thorough break with traditional ownership relations; it is not surprising that it must break with traditional concepts in its own development process. "2." Here, "tradition" refers to the "old" private ownership and its private ownership; while the revolution is to "break the old and establish new." Old and "new" are dualistic and mutually exclusive. China entered the 20th century In the past 70 years, the revolutionary discourse dominated, and the attitude toward the tradition was critical and negative.The socialist transformation of agriculture that began in the 1950s also belonged to this category.The second is modern discourse.The German sociologist Weber from the point of view of the authority, The society has been classified: the traditional society, the modern society, and the Karismma society in between.The traditional society belongs to the pre-modern society and is a social form different from the modern society. Although the modern discourse system does not simply criticize and To deny "traditional" but it still belongs to the dualistic analysis method, which puts the traditional society against the modern society without paying attention to the two. Contact Chinese intellectual .20 since the 1970s, the modern discourse system gradually dominated.
Second, it is a narrative concept that is measured from the past, present, and future time dimensions. This is a historical discourse system. Tradition is something that has appeared in the past and is a product of history. However, history is the sum of different things. What does "tradition" actually include? This is the dilemma of the historical discourse system. Some people therefore divided "traditional" into "great traditions" and "little traditions" such as "the first 30 years of tradition" and "the latter 30 years of tradition" since the founding of the People's Republic of China.
In general, tradition is a relativistic, historical concept that is relative to current and modernity.
The reason that the society that is in the process of modernization must pay attention to tradition is because it must face the question of how to deal with tradition when it comes to the process of modernization. This led to two claims: First, traditionalism. Whenever there is a problem in the development of modernization, it will advocate a return to tradition. It seeks to solve the secrets of practical problems from the tradition, such as Marx's once criticized "dead man grasps the living man." Regardless of whether this proposal is feasible, no matter what, it is difficult to answer the question: What is tradition and what traditions are returning to, such as China has a revolutionary tradition today, but also has the Confucian tradition. However, these two traditions have inherent value conflicts: The former emphasizes the destruction of the established order, while the latter emphasizes the maintenance of the established order. As far as China’s rural development path is concerned, there is a tradition of the people’s communes and there is also a long-standing economic tradition of households. So what tradition does it return to? So, there is an inherent logical contradiction in traditionalism.
The second is modernism as opposed to traditionalism. Since the modernization became the value orientation of contemporary society, the discourse of modernism has a fatal weakness, that is, neglecting or ignoring the present moment comes from the past. In this paper, the modern undertaking of the tradition is precisely the "traditional" factors formed by those long-term histories that profoundly influence and restrict the development of modern society. The American scholar Moore had a profound understanding of this: "In the history of the two major civilized forms, the legacy of the fragmented traditional society left behind by a large number of class factors will have a strong effect on the shape of future history." Or respect for tradition, can we learn from the rich resources of development at the moment, and let the society enter the track of linking development, and do not have to ups and downs.
In addition to preserving historical civilization, our study of tradition is more important in studying its impact on social development today and in the future. The past does not always belong to tradition. Many things in the past are just moments in the entire history. Whereas tradition is like human genes, it is repetitive and reproducible. It cannot be simply eliminated, and it is difficult to make the most thorough "break." Therefore, from the point of view of current influence, tradition can be defined as the value, behavior and norms that can affect the present or even the future and the historical conditions related to it.
This can be used to classify traditions: The first is a tradition of origin, that is, a tradition that can have a profound effect on the present and the future and that will work long term. This tradition has its origin for the development of modern society and constitutes the basic system for the development of modern society. It can also be said to be the historical ontology of the development of modern society. The second is a tradition of a secondary type, that is, a tradition that has historically produced and will have a certain influence on the present but does not have a basic role. The third is a derivative tradition, that is, a tradition that originates in history but is derived from the origin of tradition and exerts current influence.
When discussing the road to rural development in China, some people inherited the pre-reform people's communes as a tradition. In fact, although the People's Commune has existed for more than 20 years, in some respects, it is precisely out of line with China's original tradition and is even anti-traditional. For example, the "big two public" communes are precisely the long-term history of China. The traditional negation of "one small two private" households. To a considerable extent, the People's Commune is a form of rural social organization that draws on the Soviet Union and is a product of "taking Russia as a teacher". From this, it is necessary to further discuss Eastern society.
In the ideological world, since Aristotle, what has become popular is the dualistic worldview of the “East and Westâ€. People call the world represented by Western Europe the "Western," and the world represented by Russia, India, and China is called "Oriental." East and West are two different worlds, have different histories and form different traditions. Apart from simplification, this kind of binary division also has a fatal problem that ignores or ignores the differences within the eastern society. In fact, both the Western world and the Eastern world have very different internalities. The Western world has differences in Britain, Germany, and France. The East, Russia, India, and China are very different. In some respects, the difference in the so-called Eastern World is no less than the difference between the East and the West. Therefore, to understand "Chinese characteristics", in addition to comparison with the Western world, it should also be compared with the Eastern world, especially with Russia, which has had a major influence on China's roads, and India, which is adjacent to China.
The current China is at a historical turning point oriented toward industrialization, urbanization, and agricultural modernization. China's rural development path is also in the transition from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial society. This process is not an alternative or an alternative. It is neither possible to simply return to tradition nor to ignore tradition. A reasonable choice is Baron Moore: "Social Origins of Democracy and Autocracy," Trans., Topo, Zhang Dongdong, et al., Beijing: Huaxia Press, 1987, p. 2.
To the modern age, backed by tradition, respected traditions, and moved toward modernity. But first of all, we must make clear what is the origin of China's rural development and the resulting basic system.
Second, two kinds of oriental traditions: Village Community System and Household System In the view of modern social sciences, the unique geographical position has enabled the West to have a long-standing commercial civilization; while the East is dominated by farming civilization. However, the traditions of Eastern agricultural civilization also have different manifestations and types. Without understanding the differences between them, even subtle differences, they cannot fully and accurately grasp the influence of the Eastern agricultural civilization tradition on the later rural development path. The so-called poor balance, lost a thousand miles.
In the 17th and 18th centuries, Western countries established a capitalist system based on private ownership and wage-based labor system through revolution, rapidly moving toward modernization; entering the 19th century, non-Western countries faced another challenge in the process of modernization: “Westernization "Still adhere to the traditional 'indigenization.' Russia was the first to face this major issue. This is because Russia is geographically the closest Eastern country to the West, and the second is that Russia was the first major eastern country to transform itself into modern civilization; It is because the Russian intellectuals who are in transition to modern civilization have begun to dig deeper into their own traditions in search of a development path that is different from that of Western countries. Among them, the most important traditional resource is that the West did not exist in Russia and existed in Russia for a long time. The spirit of the Russian village system.
The village community system has a long history. It originated in the primitive society and continued into the 20th century. Judging from the form, Russia's village community system is divided into three stages and three types: the first is the type of primitive villages in the natural growth stage; the second is the local village community constructed in the Tsarist Russia period; and the third is the state-built country in the Soviet period. Collective farms. Although these three types differ in their nature and content, institutional forms are interlinked. They all emphasize integrity, unity, and consistency. The same group is basically average. This characteristic continued until after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Otherwise, we find it difficult to understand the difficulty of implementing "land privatization" after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This shows that the village system is the basic system and origin of traditional Russian development. "Invading the village community is a violation of the special Russian spirit." 1 As a form of social organization, the village community has the following main characteristics: the land is “public†and maintains average ownership among the members through regular division of the village community; the national tax is paid by the village community and the village community passes the poverty Topping up the burden of flat sharing; the implementation of a combination of laborers, the village community to encourage joint farming; the village community through joint management meetings, emphasizing the collective standard. 2 The village community is not only a production organization and a social organization, but also a peasant spiritual community. Collectivism and egalitarianism are the basic principles and codes of conduct of the village community. Because of this, peasant villages and communities are also called peasant communes and have the characteristics of primitive communism shared, built, shared, and jointly managed.
The village community system is based on the collective form of the village community. A basic premise of this organizational form is that the collective community must have a collective personality authority. The periodical redistribution of land, the rich and poor of taxation, the mutual geese of labor, and enlightenment: "The rural commune, the tradition of reform and revolutionary village community, and the road to modernization in Russia", Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Press, 1996, No. 103 pages.
Jin Yan, Su Wu, “Rural Commune, Reformed and Revolutionary Village Community Tradition and Russian Modernizationâ€, p. 71*119.
The combination and the convening of members’ meetings for management require a strong personality authority that can represent the collective. If we say that the early authority was still in the village community, then it has become more and more superior to the village community, especially on the basis of countless villages and stands more powerful national authoritarian authority. In the eyes of Russian rulers, managing a large number of scattered individual farmers is much more difficult than managing them through a whole village community. Therefore, the Russian rulers have increasingly strengthened the integrity of the village community, restricted the individuality of the members, and strongly bound the peasants firmly in the village community. The village community became the social foundation of Russia’s authoritarian rule. With the development of the village community system, a system of serfdom has emerged. Compared with the serf system in western Europe, the serf system in Russia is the most extreme. In addition to human beings, the peasants must attach themselves to the lords. They must also attach themselves to the village communities and their personality authority in life and be closely monitored by the state. “The process of peasants' serfization is a process in which the territorial system and the village community system are firmly integrated. The essence of the peasants' serfs is the serfdom of the village community.â€1 In the 19th century, Russia abolishes the system of serfdom, but the village community organizes this traditional resource. It is highly valued by Russian intellectuals and even over-excavated. They hoped to use the public ownership of the villages to resist the capitalist private ownership system that originated in the West and to leave Russia’s own development path, which led to populism. Populism advocates “going to the people†and believes that the village peasants are “born as socialists†and that Russia’s ability to develop a development path different from that of the West lies in its own village system that is not in the West. After a brief period of rural transformation and differentiation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, large-scale Soviet agricultural collectivization began in the 1920s. There are three forms of collective farms in the early period of rural collectivization: agricultural commune, cooperative farming, and agricultural labor; in the later period of collectivization, the labor mix is ​​used as a basic, even the only form, to make it easier for the state to harvest agricultural products and for farmers. control.
Another eastern country that has entered the world’s vision is India. India is also the first big country in which Western colonialism has entered the East. India is not only the birthplace of the ancient four civilizations, but also has its own unique institutional tradition. One of them is the original village system. As a native form of the village system, India and Russia are similar: the land is public, and the cultivated land is controlled by the village community; the village community is a basic taxation unit and has a high degree of autonomy. There is also a system of serfdom in India, but compared with the Russian system of serfdom in villages, India is represented by the village community caste system. As "a system of hierarchical compliance", the two kinds of surname systems cure and perpetuate the ranks of the people according to their kinship. The caste of high caste inherits a high level of occupation and status. The caste of a low caste adopts a low level of occupation and status. There is an insurmountable gap between them. This system more inhibits people's independence, initiative and creativity. Marx thus commented on the village community and caste tradition in India: the solid foundation. They made the human mind confined to a very small extent, became a superstitious taming tool, and became a slave to the traditional rules. It did not show any great works or historical initiative. "3 British colonialism had a great impact on the ancient village community system after entering India, but the tradition of the village community is still tenaciously retained. In the 20th century, India's spiritual leader Gandhi advocated the abolition of the caste system and was thus assassinated; but he In the struggle for independence, the village community was made the foundation of India, thinking that more than 700,000 villages were the basis of India, and the village community was precisely the species of Barton Moore: The Social Origin of Democracy and Autocracy, p. 309.
The fortress of the surname system is the basis of social organization that produces caste. Therefore, although the country abolished the caste system legally, the caste society still persists tenaciously. High caste people firmly restrict the low caste population to the village community land. If the village community exists, the caste system attached to it will remain. As Moore said: "The caste system has played a role in organizing the village community life at that time and now, and it constitutes the cell and basic unit of Indian society."1 As the ancient country of oriental agricultural civilization, there was a primitive communal system in early China. However, compared with Russia and India, the Chinese tradition of agricultural civilization has its own characteristics. The profound influence on China today is the free individual household system after Qin Shihuang, that is, "two thousand years are Qin system." The great merit of Qin Shihuang was not the construction of the Great Wall, but the formation of a system capable of continuously producing hundreds of millions of free and small households. As Mao Zedong said, rural communes based on the autocratic system mainly refer to Russia and India. He pointed out that “This kind of complete isolation between the various communes creates the same, but by no means common interest in the country, which is the natural basis of Eastern autocracy. From India to Russia, where this social form prevails. It always produces such an autocratic system and always finds its own complement in this autocratic system."3 If households, villages, and countries are divided into three levels of organization, Chinese households and countries are the most With strong organizational forms, village groups are relatively weak. In China, the sign of private ownership and the country’s development is the change from the past world to the “home countryâ€. Household organizations have a long and solid foundation in China. Free individual household farmers are a long-term ideal form. The Tang Song’s ancient song, “Killing Songs,†describes: “I made the sunrise, and I entered the ground. I was digging and drinking, and ploughing the land and eating.†Dili’s relationship with me, the relationship, the household became the mainstay. In order to obtain tax revenue, when compiling an account, both the landowner and the farmer become the same “history of householdsâ€, and they are all citizens of the country. The peasants are free on the people and produce, manage and live independently.†Grain, free. “The name of the rural grass-roots social organizations in China has been changing. The Han Dynasty was the village, and the Ming and Qing dynasties were Baojia.
The function and authority of these grassroots social organizations are far less than those of Russia and India, and they do not form a complete village community system. The Chinese village is formed by a family of free farmers and has the characteristics of a “free man’s unionâ€.
The famous comparative historian Moore said: "Chinese villages, like other countries, are the basic cells of rural society. However, compared with India, Japan and even some parts of Europe, the villages in China are obviously lacking in cohesion."
Compared with the traditional village traditions of Russia and India, the free and independent family of small farmers constitutes the core of the Chinese village society and is the foundation of the existence of the village society. The family system, which consists of a complete family system supported by strong custom and a complete household registration system supported by strong national administration, is the basic system of rural society in China or this Barrington Moore: "Democratic and Autocratic Social Origins, p. 255.
Barrington. Moore: The Social Origins of Democracy and Autocracy, p.165*166.
Source tradition. In Mr. Jin Yaoji’s view, “In traditional China, home is not only a reproductive unit, but also a social, economic, educational, political, and even religious, recreational unit. It is the basic force that sustains the condensation of the whole society. The content and characteristics of the one-household system and the village-based system are very different. The village community system has a one-item and oneness, emphasizing the integrity and the individual's dependence and conformity to the whole; the household system is dualistic and mixed, with more emphasis on individuality (non-Western natural individuals, but The relative independence and difference of the individual households and individuals as a whole. From the perspective of production relations and superstructure, the village system in Russia and India has the following typical differences from the household system in China: First, the village-owned property belongs to the village community, and the family-owned property belongs to the individual household; The taxpayer under the village community system is the village community. The taxpayer under the household system is the family household. Third, the village community under the village community system is the local self-government unit. It has administrative function and local authority, under the household system. Villages are natural villages formed on the basis of households, mainly family autonomy.
China's household system has not only a long history, but also profound influence. Fei Zhengqing commented: “China is a strong fortress of the family system and has thus gained strength and inertia.â€2 In the current and future development of rural China, we must attach great importance to and deepen this basic system and Source-based traditions and careful determination of traditional institutional resources in the country can form a development path with Chinese characteristics. Whether "Chinese characteristics" is likely to be "characteristics of other countries" and the "Chinese road" is likely to be "a road to other countries." As mentioned above, in the discussion of academia in China’s rural areas in the 1990s, Qin Hui advocated that the Chinese rural community is a “great community standard†tradition, but this only emphasizes that China’s rural society is more strongly controlled by the state. It does not involve the basic points of rural society.
In fact, China’s “nation†is based on “household households,†and households are not completely coincident with the state.
If it is a "major community standard," it is easy to conclude that farmers are "national farmers." In the history of China, there are only "state officials" and "national workers". Even a highly nationalized people's communes does not recognize the "national peasants." Because of the lack of in-depth knowledge of China's rural social ontological issues, it is easy to see a commune that is similar to the village community as its own tradition, and misinterpret the characteristics of other countries as "Chinese characteristics."
3. Household management traditions and agricultural management organizations In China, households based on kinship have long been in a dominant position. They are the basic organizational unit of the entire society and the “cell†of Chinese traditional society. This has led to thousands of years of Chinese household management traditions.
Households are the most basic organizational units. This is the case throughout the world. In China, households have become a basic business organization system and have a core position. This is mainly determined by the following factors. First, the natural endowment is the basis for the existence of an organization. China is a country that naturally enjoys suitable farming, and suitable climate and soil conditions make it possible for households to produce. The joint work of the village system in Russia is obviously related to the cold weather conditions. The family, Jin Yaoji: From Traditional to Modern, Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 1999, p. 24.
Fei Zhengqing: "The United States and China", translated by Zhang Lijing, Beijing: World Knowledge Press, 1999. The 21st independent production is very difficult. It also requires collective interdependence. The village system actually came from the era of collective hunting of early humans. Second, the system of inheritance of assets is the mechanism for the reproduction of organizational units. China's bid farewell to the primitive society is a change from "the world is for the public" to "the world is the home." China's implementation of the "separate family production system" household is the property distribution and succession. Adult men can evenly distribute and inherit family property, which leads to the continuous reproduction of small households. In China, the common assets of the village are not only small but do not assume the redistribution and inheritance function. Russia’s land property is owned by the village and the village community allocates land property, which results in personal dependence on the village community rather than the household. The caste system in India has made the caste families of almost no inheritance. However, "the caste system provides landless laborers with suitable occupations, ... the evaluation of their social status depends mainly on their work rather than on the basis of the amount of property," and the village community is therefore cohesive. Third, the tax system is the continuation of institutional units. As early as 2000 years ago, China established a unified centralized power. The country’s existence is based on the fact that households with agricultural financial land have become the country's taxation unit. The ancient Chinese government set up a special “hukou†account and finance. In China, “home†is a social unit “householdâ€, which is the political unit of the state to organize the people and has political and social significance. Therefore, traditional Chinese finance is actually the finance of rural households. The government needs to protect and encourage household ownership. In Russia, the village community is a national tax unit, and individual farmers do not directly contact the country. 1 The positive tax is not good for the family, and the poor households are not rich. “2In India, low caste families have little or no tax-paying conditions. Fourth, awareness is the driving force behind the organization. Since the family is both an economic community and a political and social community, the Chinese’s family consciousness is particularly strong. The male surname is the authenticity of the family, and the family flourishes for the highest goal in life, such as “get rich,†“guangzongyao.†And under the Russian village system, think. 3 In India "as a labor organization, caste is a cause of poor farming in the countryside." 4 Therefore, if the Russian village community system is said to be collectivism, and India's village community system strengthens casteism, then the long-standing existence of Chinese household history is householdism, and household units are a long-standing tradition of China.
Household management in China is conducive to mobilizing the enthusiasm of agricultural production. First, land is owned by households or households, which makes it possible for households to freely control their own products. The landlord can obtain land rent through the land, and the farmer can obtain as many production products as possible under reasonable conditions of rent, and the cultivator can obtain more products through his own efforts. Under conditions of close connection between production and remuneration, households may be able to improve their living conditions. Although being a “landlord†can only be achieved by a few people, it is only possible to obtain land. Thus, it also practises the unique "hard-working" quality of Chinese farmers: "Love the day when you are righteous, non-elderly Barrynton Moore: The Social Origins of Democracy and Autocracy," p. 169.
Jin Yan, Pang Wu, “The Rural Commune, the Reform, Revolutionary Village Tradition, and the Road to Modernization in Russiaâ€, p. 76.
Barrington Moore: The Social Origin of Democracy and Autocracy, p. 275.
Hugh, non-stop, never die. “1 Montesquieu and Weber all gave extremely high appraisals to the diligence of the Chinese people.2 The village community system divided the land for several years, restraining the peasants' desire for more land, and limiting their enthusiasm. Second, the land is Household ownership or household management allows households to independently complete the entire production process and does not require external oversight, thus minimizing the costs of external supervision. Fei Xiaotong believes it is convenient and efficient based on rural surveys.†3 For landowners, after renting land to farmers, they do not need to intervene in the production process. For the farmers of the direct producers, the production and management process is completely autonomous and “lazyâ€.
It is self-punishment that oneself may become hungry and bankrupt. However, in a village labor portfolio composed of a number of households, unless everyone has a very high degree of labor consciousness, 'laziness' is inevitable.
Household management has created a splendid Chinese agricultural civilization. Such as the famous historian Sun Daren said: “Without individual smallholders, there is no new era since the Warring States and the Qin and Han dynasties. There would be no new civilization ahead of the world that is compatible with this era.â€4 However, when households manage to obtain economic benefits, It will also have unbalanced social consequences. One will have social differentiation. Different households will have different results because of their living resources and labor differences. Some will fall into poverty caused by little or no land. The second is the lack of necessary social security.
Household management causes households to become responsible units for their own life activities. Natural disasters and man-made disasters are completely self-sustainable by households and lack protection and support from society. Poor people with weak self-protection functions may therefore be trapped in tragic fate. Relatively speaking, the village system is like a shell. Although it inhibits free development, it can shelter wind and rain, provide village members with certain social security, and has a "safety Valve". 5 As a result, the household system has the diversified benefits and the lack of guarantees of “hard workâ€. The village cooperative system is an average and guaranteed “indolence†with no benefits.
Of course, the survival conditions of households under the conditions of traditional Chinese households cannot be confined to microscopic mechanisms. They should also be examined under the macro background. In general, the peasants of ancient Chinese society belonged to “universal poverty†or “difficult povertyâ€. The root cause of this kind of poverty is not only the micro-management mechanism, but at least three factors should be considered. The first is the contradiction between man and land. According to Marx, there are two forms of human production, one is material production, and the other is population production. The two have to be roughly balanced. However, in China, population reproduction is always faster than material reproduction, and land resources are always limited. Under conditions where there is no significant progress in productivity, there will inevitably be more conflicts between people and less land. Even if land ownership is in a state of equilibrium, it will be difficult to escape from poverty because the size of the land is too small. In the history of China, there are no landlords in many places, or the landlords have very little possession, and people are still in poverty, which can be described as “average povertyâ€. The second is the high degree of exploitation. China established the bureaucratic ruling system of the emperor very early. The operation of this system requires a lot of financial support, and its financial source is mainly agriculture. Normal households are subject to double deprivation of land rent and taxation, even if it is Fu Max Weber: "Confucianism and Taoism", translated by Wang Rongfen, Beijing: The Commercial Press, 1995, p. 115.
Fei Xiaotong: "Local Fertility System in China", Beijing: Peking University Press, 1998, p. 179.
Sun Daren: "Discussion on the Evolution of Chinese Peasants in the Historical Development Cycle of China", Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Press, Barrington Moore: The Social Origin of Democracy and Autocracy, p. 309.
Households also have to bear taxes.è¿™ç§èµ‹ç¨Žæ—¢æ²‰é‡åˆæ²¡æœ‰é¢åº¦ï¼Œå¾ˆå®¹æ˜“超出家户能承å—çš„é™åº¦ï¼Œä»Žè€Œé€ æˆå抗。事实上，ä¸å›½åŽ†å²ä¸Šçš„农民起义ä¸å°‘是由地主领头或者å‚与的。其三是财产继承。如å‰æ‰€è¿°ï¼Œåœ¨ä¸å›½å®¶æˆ·ä½“制下，财产继承实行平å‡ä¸»ä¹‰çš„分家æžäº§åˆ¶ã€‚å‰è¾ˆç§¯ç´¯çš„田产由于儿åçš„å‡åˆ†ï¼Œå®¹æ˜“很快就é‡æ–°é™·å…¥è´«ç©·çŠ¶æ€ã€‚
å¯è§ï¼Œä¸å›½çš„贫穷状æ€ä¸Žå®¶æˆ·åˆ¶æœ‰ä¸€å®šè”系，但ä¸æ˜¯å”¯ä¸€åŽŸå› ，甚至ä¸æ˜¯ä¸»è¦åŽŸå› 。进入20世纪以åŽï¼ŒçŽ°ä»£å–å‘çš„ä»·å€¼è§‚å¯¹ä¼ ç»Ÿå®¶æˆ·ç»™äºˆå°–é”çš„æ‰¹åˆ¤ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·ä¼ ç»Ÿå—到严峻的挑战。但å³ä½¿å¦‚æ¤ï¼ŒçŽ°å®žä¸»ä¹‰çš„政ç–也ä¸å¾—ä¸å°Šé‡å®¶æˆ·ä¼ 统。å™ä¸å±±å…ˆç”Ÿæ出“耕者有其田â€å®¶æˆ·åˆ™æ˜¯â€œè€•è€…â€ç»„织å•ä½ã€‚以毛泽东为代表的ä¸å›½å…±äº§å…šäººå®žè¡ŒåœŸåœ°é©å‘½å’ŒåœŸåœ°æ”¹é©ï¼Œå°†åœŸåœ°åˆ†ç»™å†œæ°‘，其组织å•ä½ä»ç„¶æ˜¯å®¶æˆ·ã€‚民主é©å‘½æ—¶æœŸå®žè¡Œçš„å‡ç§Ÿå‡æ¯æ”¿ç–，目的也是为了调动农户的生产积æžæ€§ã€‚
ä¸åŽäººæ°‘共和国æˆç«‹ä»¥åŽï¼ŒåœŸåœ°æ”¹é©å°†å†œæ‘社会æˆå‘˜å˜æˆäº†å¹³å‡å 有土地的农户。当时的ä¸å›½å…±äº§å…šäººè®¤ä¸ºï¼ŒåœŸåœ°æ”¹é©ä»¥åŽçš„农民具有两个方é¢çš„积æžæ€§ï¼Œä¸€æ˜¯ä¸ªä½“农户å‘家致富的积æžæ€§ï¼Œä¸€æ˜¯å…±åŒå¯Œè£•çš„社会主义积æžæ€§ã€‚但从é©å‘½è¯è¯çœ‹æ¥ï¼Œä¸ªä½“农户具有ç§æœ‰æ€§å’Œè½åŽæ€§ï¼Œä¸Žç¤¾ä¼šä¸»ä¹‰æ˜¯æ ¼æ ¼ä¸å…¥çš„。为æ¤ï¼ŒåœŸåœ°æ”¹é©åŽå¾ˆå¿«è¿›è¡Œå¯¹å†œä¸šï¼ˆä¸»è¦æ˜¯ä¸ªä½“ç»æµŽï¼‰çš„ç¤¾ä¼šä¸»ä¹‰æ”¹é€ ã€‚è€Œä¸å›½ä»Žæ¥æ²¡æœ‰é›†ä½“ç»æµŽçš„ä¼ ç»Ÿï¼Œå› æ¤åªèƒ½ä»¥æœ€æ—©å®žè¡Œç¤¾ä¼šä¸»ä¹‰é›†ä½“化的è‹è”“è€å¤§å“¥â€ä¸ºæ¦œæ ·ï¼Œè®¤ä¸ºåªæœ‰â€œç¤¾ä¼šä¸»ä¹‰çš„集体农庄æ‰æ˜¯å®Œå…¨çš„社会主义â€ï¼Œâ‘ 将“共åŒåŠ³åŠ¨ï¼Œè®¡å·¥è®¡é…¬ï¼Œé›†ä¸ç»è¥â€
ä½œä¸ºæ”¹é€ å†œæ‘çš„è“图。在这一è“图下形æˆçš„人民公社体制与长期历å²å½¢æˆçš„家户å•ä½ä¼ 统实行了最彻底的“决裂â€ã€‚人民公社体制下，土地ç‰ç”Ÿäº§èµ„料为公社所有，集体劳动，平å‡åˆ†é…，公社æˆä¸ºå›½å®¶çš„纳税å•ä½â€œå‘家致富â€ä¸ä»…没有å¯èƒ½ï¼Œæ›´è¢«è§†ä¸ºèŽ·å¾—产å“。尽管有这ç§å®¢è§‚åŽæžœï¼Œä½†å®žè¡Œå…¬ç¤¾åˆ¶çš„主观目的还是为了社会主义ç†æƒ³ç›®æ ‡ã€‚å› ä¸ºåœ¨åŽ†å²ä¸Šï¼Œå›½å®¶çš„力é‡è¿œæ²¡æœ‰1949å¹´åŽå¼ºå¤§ï¼Œç…§æ ·å¯ä»¥èŽ·å–大é‡äº§å“和劳役。
公社制在对弱者的ä¿éšœæ–¹é¢æœ‰ä¸€å®šæˆæ•ˆï¼Œä½†ä¸¥é‡åŽæžœæ˜¯å†œæ°‘个体的自主地ä½ä¸‹é™äº†ï¼ŒåŽ‹æŠ‘了生产积æžæ€§ã€‚è‘—å的农æ‘政ç–专家æœæ¶¦ç”Ÿå…ˆç”Ÿè¯„论人民公社时说：兴趣和责任感，从而影å“他们的生产积æžæ€§ã€‚“②他还认为，è‹ä¿„集体化的设想是针对俄国æ‘ç¤¾ä¼ ç»Ÿæ出æ¥çš„，â€å…¶æ„¿æœ›æ˜¾ç„¶æ˜¯å«æœ‰ä¸€å®šçš„åˆç†æ€§çš„。但是è¦æŠŠå®ƒç…§æ¬åˆ°ä¸å›½ï¼Œå°±äº§ç”Ÿäº†'对象'上的差异“。③但与è‹è”的集体农庄有国家ä¿æŠ¤ä¸åŒï¼Œä¸åŽäººæ°‘共和国国家农业委员会办公厅编：《农业集体化é‡è¦æ–‡ä»¶æ±‡ç¼–》（上），北京：ä¸å…±ä¸å¤®å…šæ ¡å‡ºç‰ˆç¤¾ï¼Œ1982年，第98页。
沈志åŽï¼šã€Šæ–°ç»æµŽæ”¿ç–与è‹è”农业社会化é“路》，北京：ä¸å›½ç¤¾ä¼šç§‘å¦å‡ºç‰ˆç¤¾ï¼Œ1994年，æœæ¶¦ç”Ÿâ€œåºâ€
ä¸å›½å…¬ç¤¾çš„农民生å˜å¾—ä¾é è‡ªå·±å¯»æ±‚å‡ºè·¯ã€‚å› æ¤ï¼Œè‡ªäººæ°‘公社一æˆç«‹ï¼Œä¼ 统的力é‡å°±é¡½å¼ºåœ°è¡¨çŽ°å‡ºæ¥ã€‚公社体制ä¸å¾—ä¸åŽé€€åˆ°â€œä¸‰çº§æ‰€æœ‰ï¼Œé˜Ÿä¸ºåŸºç¡€â€çš„ç»è¥ä½“制，进一æ¥åˆ™æ˜¯â€œåŒ…产到户â€ä¸æ–兴起，åªæ˜¯æœªèƒ½çªç ´ä½“制框架。直到1980年代åˆï¼Œä¸å›½å®žè¡Œå®¶åºç»è¥ï¼Œä¸Žå®¶æˆ·å•ä½ä¼ 统相衔接。å¯è§ï¼Œå…¬ç¤¾åˆ¶å¹¶ä¸æ˜¯ä¸å›½å›ºæœ‰çš„ä¼ ç»Ÿï¼Œæ°æ°èƒŒç¦»äº†ä¸å›½çš„本æºåž‹ä¼ ç»Ÿã€‚å®¶æˆ·ä¼ ç»Ÿä¸æ˜¯ç®€å•çš„能够替代，更ä¸æ˜¯ç®€å•èƒ½å¤Ÿæ”¹é©å¼€æ”¾ä»¥æ¥ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·ç»è¥ä½“制显示出æžå¤§çš„活力。但是，以家户ç»è¥ä½“åˆ¶ä¸ºæ ¸å¿ƒçš„å†œæ‘å‘展é“路也å—到了严é‡æŒ‘战。一是仅仅ä¾é å†œä¸šçš„å†œæ°‘çš„ç”Ÿæ´»çŠ¶å†µæœªèƒ½å¾—åˆ°æ ¹æœ¬æ”¹å˜ã€‚å…¶æ˜¾è‘—æ ‡å¿—æ˜¯ä½œä¸ºå†œæ‘家户承包制改é©æ——帜的安徽çœå°å²—æ‘，被认为是“一夜之间脱贫，30年未能致富â€ã€‚二是出现社会分化。农æ‘社会由公社体制下的平å‡çŠ¶æ€å˜ä¸ºä¸€ä¸ªæœ‰è´«å¯Œåˆ†åŒ–的社会。三是ä¿éšœä½“系脆弱。对社会弱者的ä¿éšœå’Œæ•‘åŠ©å› ä¸ºäººæ°‘å…¬ç¤¾ä½“åˆ¶çš„åºŸé™¤è€Œå—到弱化。
è¿™ä¸€èƒŒæ™¯ä¸‹ï¼Œæ‰€è°“çš„ä¼ ç»Ÿä¸»ä¹‰å¾—åˆ°å¤æ´»ï¼Œä¸»å¼ æ¢å¤å…¬ç¤¾ä½“åˆ¶ä¼ ç»Ÿã€‚å¦‚å‰æ‰€è¿°ï¼Œå…¬ç¤¾å¹¶ä¸æ˜¯ä¸å›½ç‰¹æœ‰çš„ä¼ ç»Ÿï¼Œåœ¨ç›¸å½“ç¨‹åº¦æ˜¯â€œèˆ¶æ¥å“â€ã€‚â‘ æ›´é‡è¦çš„是，将农æ‘的现实困境完全归之于家户ç»è¥ä½“制是ä¸æ°å½“çš„ã€‚é¦–å…ˆï¼Œé€ æˆå†œæ‘困境的人多地少矛盾没有消除。在人å‡è€•åœ°åªæœ‰ä¸¤äº©çš„æ¡ä»¶ä¸‹ï¼Œä¾é 农业的家户ç»è¥è‡´å¯Œæ˜¯å›°éš¾çš„。
其次，改é©å¼€æ”¾ä»¥æ¥ï¼Œå†œæ°‘负担一度å分沉é‡ï¼ŒåŽ‹æŠ‘了农民的农业生产积æžæ€§ã€‚å†æ¬¡ï¼Œäººæ°‘公社时期的社会ä¿éšœä¾é 的是农业内部建立的，åªæ˜¯ä¸€ç§ä½Žæ°´å¹³çš„ä¿éšœã€‚
è¿™ç§ä¿éšœå·²æ— 法适应社会大环境的å˜åŒ–和农民的需求，由æ¤éœ€è¦å›½å®¶ç»™äºˆæ”¯æŒã€‚新世纪以æ¥ï¼Œå›½å®¶åœ¨å†œæ‘实行å…费义务教育ã€æ–°åž‹å†œæ‘医疗ã€æ–°åž‹å†œæ‘å…»è€ç‰ï¼Œå°±æ˜¯è¯•å›¾å»ºç«‹ä»¥å›½å®¶ä¸ºä¸»çš„社会ä¿éšœä½“ç³»ã€‚å› ä¸ºå†œæ‘å‘展一度出现的困境而简å•å¦å®šå®¶æˆ·ä½“åˆ¶ï¼Œå¹¶ä¸»å¼ å‘å…¬ç¤¾ä¼ ç»Ÿå›žå½’æ˜¯ç¼ºä¹å……åˆ†æ ¹æ®çš„。
如果说公社制是以“现代â€ç»„织形å¼å¯¹å®¶æˆ·ç»è¥ä¼ 统形æˆå†²å‡»ï¼Œè€Œå½“今的现代农业å†æ¬¡å¯¹å®¶æˆ·ç»è¥ä¼ 统æ出了挑战。显然，现代农业需è¦çŽ°ä»£ç»è¥ç»„织å•ä½ã€‚ä½œä¸ºä¼ ç»Ÿçš„ç»„ç»‡å½¢å¼ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·ç»è¥ä¸€ä¸ªæœ€çªå‡ºç‰¹ç‚¹å°±æ˜¯ç»è¥è§„模太å°ã€‚æ²¡æœ‰è§„æ¨¡å°±æ²¡æœ‰æ•ˆç›Šï¼Œæ²¡æœ‰æ•ˆç›Šå°±æ²¡æœ‰æŠ•å…¥ï¼›æ²¡æœ‰æŠ•å…¥ä¹Ÿå°±æ— æ³•æ‰©å¤§ï¼Œç”šè‡³æ— æ³•å»¶ç»å†ç”Ÿäº§ã€‚尽管改é©å¼€æ”¾ä»¥æ¥ï¼Œä¸å›½çš„农业综åˆç”Ÿäº§èƒ½åŠ›å¤§å¤§æ高，但家户的生产能力å´ç›¸å¯¹ä½Žä¸‹ï¼Œâ‘¡è¿™å¿…然会影å“ä¸å›½å†œä¸šçš„æŒç»å‘å±•ã€‚å› æ¤ï¼Œå¯¹äºŽå®¶åºç»è¥èƒ½å¦é€‚应现代农业生产å˜åœ¨ä¸åŒçš„认识。一ç§ä¸»å¼ 以“公å¸â€æ›¿ä»£å®¶æˆ·ç»è¥ï¼Œä¸€ç§ä¸»å¼ 固守家户ç»è¥ã€‚本文认为，家户ç»è¥ä¼ 统在ä¸å›½å»¶ç»å·²ä¹…，家户å•ä½è¿™ä¸€ç»„织外壳完全å¯ä»¥ç»§æ‰¿ã€‚这是由农业生产特性决定的。至今为æ¢ï¼Œå†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§ä»ç„¶æ— 法实行工厂化作业，毛泽东在兴办人民公社时曾将三国时代åƒé¥ä¸è¦é’±ä½œä¸ºå¤å·²æœ‰ä¹‹çš„ä¼ ç»Ÿèµ„æºã€‚其实，这ç§çŽ°è±¡åªæ˜¯é“教的一ç§æ•™ä¹‰è¡Œä¸ºï¼Œè€Œä¸æ˜¯æ™®é性的制度行为。
å¾å‹‡ã€æž—å† ã€Šè®ºå†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§èƒ½åŠ›ä¸Žå†œæˆ·ç”Ÿäº§èƒ½åŠ›æ高的éžå‡è¡¡æ€§ä»¥ç¤¾ä¼šåŒ–å°å†œä¸ºåˆ†æžä»ç„¶æ— 法超越对自然的ä¾èµ–。农业生产的自然周期性决定了忙闲ä¸å‡ï¼Œä¸åŒäºŽå¯ä»¥ä¸é—´æ–ç”Ÿäº§çš„å·¥åŽ‚ä½œä¸šã€‚å› æ¤ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·å•ä½æ˜¯èŠ‚约型的农业生产组织，å¯ä»¥æ ¹æ®å£èŠ‚ä¸åŒï¼Œçµæ´»ç»è¥ã€‚作为分é…å•ä½ï¼Œå®ƒå¯ä»¥ä¸éœ€è¦å¤–部监ç£åŠç”±æ¤è€Œæ¥çš„监ç£æˆæœ¬ã€‚
å¯è§ï¼Œå³ä½¿æ˜¯çŽ°ä»£å†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§ä¹Ÿéœ€è¦ä»Žå®¶æˆ·å•ä½ä¼ 统ä¸æ±²å–ç²¾åŽã€‚当然，家户å•ä½ä¼ 统也需è¦èµ‹äºˆå…¶æ–°çš„ç”Ÿå‘½æ´»åŠ›ã€‚ä¸€æ˜¯åˆ›é€ è‰¯å¥½çš„å¤–éƒ¨æ¡ä»¶ï¼Œå°†æœ‰èƒ½åŠ›çš„农民å¸å¼•åˆ°å†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§ä¸ï¼Œæ高家åºç»è¥èƒ½åŠ›ã€‚二是家åºå•ä½ä¸å†æ˜¯å¤ç«‹çš„生产ç»è¥å•ä½ï¼Œè€Œåº”该æˆä¸ºæ•´ä¸ªçŽ°ä»£å†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§é“¾æ¡ä¸çš„一个环节。在这一过程ä¸ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·å•ä½ä¼ 统获得新生，转æ¢ä¸ºçŽ°ä»£å†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§ç»„织。
从ä¸å›½çš„过去ã€å½“下与未æ¥çœ‹ï¼Œå†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§å‡ºçŽ°äº†å¹¶å°†å‡ºçŽ°å®¶æˆ·åˆ¶ã€å…¬ç¤¾åˆ¶å’Œå…¬å¸åˆ¶ä¸‰ç§å½¢æ€ã€‚家户制是由æ¥å·²ä¹…的本æºåž‹ä¼ 统，是当下ä¸å›½çš„基本ç»è¥åˆ¶åº¦ã€‚公社制作为一ç§â€œèˆ¶æ¥å“â€åœ¨ä¸å›½å˜ç»äº†20多年，在æŸäº›æ–¹é¢ä»ç„¶äº§ç”Ÿç€ä¸€å®šå½±å“，其集体主义å–å‘作为一ç§ç²¾ç¥žä»ç„¶æˆä¸ºæŸäº›äººçš„ç¾Žå¥½è®°å¿†ï¼Œä½†å·²æ— æ³•å¤åˆ¶å’Œå†ç”Ÿï¼Œç‰¹åˆ«æ˜¯é‡æ–°æ›¿ä»£å®¶æˆ·åˆ¶ã€‚éšç€çŽ°ä»£å†œä¸šå‘展，公å¸å°†æˆä¸ºå†œä¸šç»è¥çš„一ç§é‡è¦ç»„织形å¼ï¼Œä½†åœ¨å†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§ç‰¹æ€§çš„åˆ¶çº¦ä¸‹ï¼Œå®ƒä¹Ÿæ— æ³•æ›¿ä»£å®¶æˆ·ä½“åˆ¶ã€‚å½“ç„¶ï¼Œè¿™ä¸€åˆ‡éƒ½å–决于家户体制的æå‡ï¼Œä»¥é€‚应现代农业的å‘展和新农æ‘建设。家åºå†œåœºå¯èƒ½æ˜¯å°†ä¼ 统家户与现代农业结åˆèµ·æ¥çš„最佳选择。
å››ã€å†œå·¥å•†ç»“åˆä¼ 统与农工商互补ç»æµŽåœ¨æ¼«é•¿çš„农业文明å²æœˆé‡Œï¼Œä¸å›½åˆ›é€ äº†ä¸–ç•Œä¸Šæ— ä¸Žä¼¦æ¯”çš„å†œä¸šæ–‡æ˜Žï¼ŒåŒæ—¶åˆä¼´éšç€å†œæ°‘çš„æ™®é贫穷，å˜åœ¨ç€ä¸–界上最为çªå‡ºçš„å†œæ°‘é—®é¢˜ã€‚é€ æˆè¿™ä¸€åŽ†å²æ‚–è®ºçš„åŽŸå› å¾ˆå¤šï¼Œå…¶ä¸æœ€ä¸ºé‡è¦çš„åŽŸå› ä¹‹ä¸€æ˜¯äººå¤šåœ°å°‘ã€‚å‘ˆå‡ ä½•çº§å¢žé•¿çš„åºžå¤§äººå£å †ç§¯åœ¨æœ‰é™çš„土地上，人å‡å 有的土地资æºä¸æ–细碎化，所获得的产å“也å分有é™ã€‚
人们åªèƒ½åœ¨æœ‰é™çš„土地空间内寻求生å˜çš„å¯èƒ½ï¼Œç”±æ¤å½¢æˆåœ¨å®¶æˆ·åŸºç¡€ä¸Šçš„农工商结åˆä¼ 统。
一家一户为å•ä½ã€è‡ªç»™è‡ªè¶³çš„生产方å¼æ˜¯ä¸å›½å†œä¸šçš„基本生产方å¼ã€‚所谓自给自足，就是农æ‘社会æˆå‘˜çš„基本生活物å“主è¦ã€ç”šè‡³å®Œå…¨ä¾é 自己。è¦ç»´ç³»ç®€å•çš„温饱生活，除了农业生产以外，还需è¦æ‰‹å·¥ä¸šåŠ³åŠ¨ï¼Œè¿™å°±æœ‰äº†å¤–的务工并以æ¤èŽ·å¾—劳务收益是农民生活的é‡è¦æ¡ä»¶ã€‚特别是在缺ä¹åœŸåœ°ç‰ç”Ÿäº§èµ„料的家åºï¼ŒåŠ³åŠ¨åŠ›å¤„于剩余状æ€ï¼Œéœ€è¦é€šè¿‡å‡ºå–劳动寻求生路。首先是在本家户附近为大户帮工，其ä¸æœ‰æ—¶é—´è¾ƒçŸçš„“çŸå·¥â€ä¹Ÿæœ‰é•¿å¹´ç´¯æœˆä¸ºä»–人åšå·¥çš„“长工â€ã€‚
è¿™ç§åŠ¡å·¥å°½ç®¡ä¸»è¦æ˜¯å†œä¸šåŠ³åŠ¨ï¼Œä½†ä¸æ˜¯ä¸ºè‡ªå·±çš„劳动，而是通过为他人劳动交æ¢è‡ªå·±æ‰€éœ€è¦çš„收益。当然，这ç§åŠ³åŠ¨æ”¶ç›Šå–决于劳务供给。如果当地ä¸èƒ½æ供更多的劳务供给，便会出现进城或者到外地务工。如农忙å£èŠ‚专门从事割麦å的“麦客â€
远走他乡寻求生å˜ä¹‹é“的“走西å£'ã€â€é—¯å…³ä¸œ'ã€â€œä¸‹å—æ´‹â€ç‰ã€‚
除务工以外，ç»å•†ä¹Ÿæ˜¯å†œæ°‘获得收益的活动之一。这ç§æ´»åŠ¨æœ€åˆæˆ–者普é的是简å•çš„产å“交æ¢ã€‚å› ä¸ºå†œæ°‘çš„è®¸å¤šæ—¥å¸¸ç”¨å“是本家户难以生产和满足的，如作为生产用å“çš„é“器ã€ä½œä¸ºæ—¥å¸¸ç”Ÿæ´»å¿…需å“çš„ç›ç‰ï¼Œå› æ¤é›†å¸‚贸易æˆä¸ºå†œæ‘æ™®éçš„ç»æµŽæ´»åŠ¨ï¼Œä¹Ÿæ˜¯ç»´ç³»å†œæ°‘日常生活的必è¦æ¡ä»¶ã€‚ä¸å›½å†œæ‘社会也被有的å¦è€…视为一个集市社会。①在æ¤åŸºç¡€ä¸Šï¼Œå†œæ°‘èŒå‘了商业æ„识，一部分人脱离或者åŠè„±ç¦»åœŸåœ°ä¸“事商业活动，有的甚至远离故土，如“走西å£â€â€œé—¯å…³ä¸œâ€
农业基础上的打工ç»æµŽå’Œç»å•†æ´»åŠ¨åœ¨ä¸å›½ç”±æ¥å·²ä¹…，人们并ä¸åªæ˜¯å›ºå®ˆåœŸåœ°å’Œå›ºå®ˆå•ä¸€çš„农业活动。特别是这ç§å†œå·¥å•†ç»“åˆæ˜¯å»ºç«‹åœ¨å®¶æˆ·åŸºç¡€ä¸Šçš„，是家户生产ç»è¥å’Œç”Ÿæ´»å»¶ç»çš„é‡è¦æ¡ä»¶ï¼Œæ˜¯å¯¹å®¶æˆ·å†œä¸šç»æµŽçš„é‡è¦è¡¥å……。ä¸å›½çš„家户实际是一ç§å†œå·¥å•†ç»“åˆçš„生产和生活å•ä½ã€‚农工商结åˆæ˜¯ä¸å›½å®¶æˆ·åˆ¶çš„é‡è¦ç‰¹ç‚¹ï¼Œç»´ç³»å’ŒæŽ¨åŠ¨ç€ä¸å›½å†œä¸šæ–‡æ˜Žã€‚
首先，农工商结åˆä¸ºå†œæ°‘æ供了更多的生å˜æœºä¼šï¼Œç»´æŒäº†å®¶æˆ·ç»æµŽåŸºç¡€ã€‚在å¤ä»£ä¸å›½ï¼Œä¸ä»…人多地少，而且土地æµåŠ¨çŽ‡é«˜ï¼Œäººå£å 有土地æžä¸å‡è¡¡ã€‚除了部分自耕农å¯ä»¥å‹‰å¼ºç»´æŒç”Ÿè®¡å¤–，相当一部分农民缺ä¹ã€ç”šè‡³æ²¡æœ‰ç”Ÿäº§èµ„料。å³ä½¿æ˜¯æœ‰åœŸåœ°ç‰ç”Ÿäº§èµ„料的æˆå‘˜ï¼Œä¹Ÿå¯èƒ½å› 为天ç¾äººç¥¸è€Œé™·å…¥å›°å¢ƒï¼Œç”šè‡³ç»å¢ƒã€‚务工ç»å•†å¯ä»¥ä¸ºå†œæ°‘æ供更多的生å˜æœºä¼šï¼Œç‰¹åˆ«æ˜¯é‚£äº›äººå¤šåœ°å°‘的家户，åªæœ‰ä»Žäº‹åŠ¡å·¥ç»å•†æ´»åŠ¨æ‰èƒ½è´´è¡¥å®¶ç”¨ï¼Œç»´æŒç”Ÿè®¡ï¼Œåœ¨æ®‹é…·çš„生å˜æ¡ä»¶ä¸‹å¯»å¾—一æ¡æ´»è·¯ã€‚所以，在ä¸å›½ï¼Œæ„ˆæ˜¯äººå¤šåœ°å°‘的地方，愈是人多地少的家户，农工商结åˆï¼Œç‰¹åˆ«æ˜¯å·¥å•†æ´»åŠ¨å°±æ„ˆæ´»è·ƒï¼Œå¦‚ä¸å›½ä¸œå—沿海地带便是民间工商活动最活跃的地区。很难想象，如果没有工商活动作为补充，ä¸å›½çš„家户制能够长期维系。
其次，农工商结åˆä¸ºå†œæ‘人å£å‘家致富æ供了希望，æˆä¸ºå®¶æˆ·å‘展的动力。
一般æ¥è®²ï¼Œä»¥åŠ³åŠ¡ä¸ºä¸»çš„务工活动和简å•çš„ç»å•†æ´»åŠ¨æ”¶ç›Šå分有é™ï¼Œåªèƒ½ç®€å•è´´è¡¥å®¶ç”¨ï¼Œç»´æŒç”Ÿè®¡ã€‚但是，有些特殊的务工活动，特别是ç»å•†æ´»åŠ¨ï¼Œå¯ä»¥èŽ·å¾—较高的收益，甚至å‘家致富。在ä¸å›½ï¼Œè®¸å¤šåœ°ä¸»å¾—以æˆä¸ºåœ°ä¸»ï¼Œå°±æ˜¯ä¾é 从事工商活动积累的资本；纯粹ä¾é 农业劳动è´ä¹°ç”°äº§ã€æˆä¸ºåœ°ä¸»å‡ 乎是ä¸å¯èƒ½çš„。而地主åˆå¯åˆ†ä¸ºä¸¤ç±»ï¼šä¸€ç±»æ˜¯åœŸåœ°ä¸»ï¼Œå³çº¯ç²¹ä¾é 从土地上获得收益的地主；一类是工商业兼地主，å³ä»Žäº‹å·¥å•†ä¸šæ´»åŠ¨å¹¶èŽ·å¾—收益的地主。å‰è€…ä¸ä»…收益å°è€Œä¸”风险大，如果农业生产æ‰æ”¶æˆ–者ç»æ”¶ï¼Œåœ°ä¸»ä¹Ÿä¼šé™·å…¥ç ´äº§ï¼›åŽè€…ä¸ä»…收益大而且风险相对å°ï¼Œå› 为有多ç§æ”¶ç›Šã€‚å› æ¤ï¼Œå·¥å•†ä¸šåœ°ä¸»æˆä¸ºåœ°ä¸»ç»æµŽçš„å‘展方å‘。这ç§å‘家致富的å¯èƒ½æ€§ï¼Œä¸ºäººä»¬çš„勤奋劳作æ供了动力和示范。在ä¸å›½ï¼Œä¸€æ–¹é¢æ˜¯å®‰åœŸä¸å›½ç¤¾ä¼šç§‘å¦å‡ºæ–½åšé›…：《ä¸å›½å†œæ‘的市场和社会结构》，å²å»ºäº‘ã€å¾ç§€ä¸½è¯‘，北京：é‡è¿ï¼Œæ•…土难离；å¦ä¸€æ–¹é¢æ˜¯è®¸å¤šäººç¦»åœŸç¦»ä¹¡ï¼Œåˆ«å¦»ç¦»å®¶ï¼Œå¤–出务工ç»å•†ï¼Œä¸€æ—¦æˆåŠŸä¾¿å¯å®¶æ—兴旺，光宗耀。å¯è§ï¼Œå†œå·¥å•†ç»“åˆä¸ºä¸å›½å†œæ‘å‘展注入了活力，并进一æ¥å·©å›ºäº†å®¶æˆ·ä¼ 统。
农工商的分工分业是一般规律，但ä¸åŒå›½å®¶æœ‰ä¸åŒè¡¨çŽ°å½¢å¼ã€‚与ä¸å›½ç›¸æ¯”，俄罗斯æ°æ°æ˜¯äººå°‘地多，辽阔的土地为人们æ供了更多的生å˜æœºä¼šã€‚在俄罗斯农æ‘å‘展历程ä¸ï¼Œä¹Ÿå˜åœ¨å†œä¸šä¸Žæ‰‹å·¥ä¸šçš„结åˆã€‚但在æ‘社体制下，农业和手工业是在æ‘社å•ä½åŸºç¡€ä¸Šç»“åˆçš„。在æ‘社劳动组åˆä¸ï¼Œæœ‰çš„人从事农业，有的人从事手工业活动，是一ç§ä¸“业化分工。人们从事农业和éžå†œä¸šæ´»åŠ¨æ‰€èŽ·å¾—的收益没有太大差别。而在æ‘社基础上的农奴制下，农奴为主人æä¾›çš„åŠ³åŠ¡æ˜¯æ— å¿çš„，自然也是被迫的。由于生活相对平å‡ä¸”有一定ä¿éšœï¼Œä¿„罗斯农民没有外出务工的冲动，“甚至ä¸æ•¢æƒ³è±¡æ²¡æœ‰æ‘社自己能å¦ç”Ÿå˜â€ã€‚①而且，æ‘社制也é™åˆ¶äº†æˆå‘˜å¤–出务工ç»å•†ï¼Œä¿„å›½ç»Ÿæ²»è€…æ›´æ˜¯ä»Žæ³•å¾‹åˆ¶åº¦ä¸Šä¸¥æ ¼é™åˆ¶å†œæ°‘外出。事实上“农民的农奴化是通过剥夺农民的自由è¿å¾™æƒã€å°†å…¶å›ºç€åœ¨é¢†åœ°ï¼ˆæ‘社）上æ¥å®žçŽ°çš„。â€â‘¡å› æ¤ï¼Œä¿„罗斯农æ‘犹如é™é™çš„é¡¿æ²³ä¸€æ ·ï¼Œæ˜¯ä¸€ä¸ªç›¸å¯¹é™æ¢çš„社会。
å°åº¦å†œæ‘也å˜åœ¨å†œå·¥å•†æ´»åŠ¨ã€‚但在æ‘社ç§å§“制下，æ‘社æˆå‘˜æ˜¯æŒ‰ç…§å®¶åºç§å§“从事ä¸åŒäº§ä¸šæ´»åŠ¨çš„，高ç§å§“家æ—的人从事高级活动，低ç§å§“家æ—的人从事低级活动。
本æ¥ï¼ŒèŒä¸šåŒ–分工有利于产业å‘展和生活改善。但这ç§ç§å§“èŒä¸šåŒ–åˆ†å·¥çš„ä¸–ä»£ä¼ é€’ï¼Œå†³å®šäº†ä½Žç§å§“çš„äººæ— æ³•æ”¹å˜å…¶æ‚²æƒ¨å‘½è¿ï¼Œæ‰€èŽ·æ”¶ç›Šä¹Ÿå分有é™ã€‚而且，高ç§å§“的人ä¸æ„¿æ„也ä¸å…许低ç§å§“的人离开æ‘社外出务工ç»å•†ã€‚å› æ¤ï¼Œä½Žç§å§“的农民ä¸å¯èƒ½é€šè¿‡éžå†œä¸šæ´»åŠ¨æ”¹å˜å…¶å‘½è¿ï¼Œå…¶ç”Ÿæ´»çŠ¶æ€çŠ¹å¦‚æ’河一般是固定ä¸å˜çš„。
农工商结åˆæ˜¯ä¸å›½å†œæ‘家户制的é‡è¦ç»„æˆéƒ¨åˆ†ï¼Œä¹Ÿæ˜¯ä¸å›½å†œä¸šæ–‡æ˜Žä¸æ–累积的动力æºæ³‰ã€‚但在å¤ä»£ä¸å›½ï¼Œå·¥å•†ä¸šæ´»åŠ¨ç©ºé—´æœ‰é™ï¼Œå†œå·¥å•†ç»“åˆæ¯•ç«Ÿæ˜¯ä½Žå±‚次的，ç»å¤§å¤šæ•°å†œæ°‘ä»ç„¶å¤„于贫困状æ€ã€‚å› ä¸ºå¦‚æ¤ï¼Œè¿›å…¥20世纪以åŽï¼Œå®¶æˆ·åˆ¶è¢«è§†ä¸ºè½åŽçš„ä¼ ç»ŸåŠ ä»¥æŠ›å¼ƒï¼Œå¹¶é€‰æ‹©äº†é›†ä½“åŒ–çš„é“路，其方å¼åˆ™æ˜¯æžå…·ä¿„国特色的公社体制。与家户制的农工商结åˆä¸åŒï¼Œå…¬ç¤¾ä½“制下的农工商活动是在公社组织基础上的内部分工，类似于俄国æ‘社的劳动组åˆçš„ä¸“ä¸šåˆ†å·¥ã€‚æ— è®ºæ˜¯ä»Žäº‹å†œä¸šï¼Œè¿˜æ˜¯éžå†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§æ´»åŠ¨ï¼Œéƒ½æ˜¯ä»¥å·¥åˆ†çš„æ–¹å¼å–得相差ä¸å¤§çš„报酬，都缺ä¹ç”Ÿäº§è‡ªä¸»æ€§å’Œç§¯æžæ€§ã€‚在公社体制下，农æ‘社会æˆå‘˜å‡ 乎没有外出务工的å¯èƒ½ã€‚由于国家实行统è´ç»Ÿé”€ä½“制，主è¦å•†ä¸šæ´»åŠ¨ä¸ºå›½å®¶æ‰€æŽ§åˆ¶ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·ä¸ªä½“的商业活动å—åˆ°ä¸¥æ ¼é™åˆ¶ã€‚在æžå·¦çš„“文化大é©å‘½â€å¹´ä»£ï¼Œé›†å¸‚自由贸易作为“三自一包â€çš„“修æ£ä¸»ä¹‰è·¯çº¿â€å—到批判，连农民å–鸡蛋以æ¢å–日常生活用å“的活动都被视之为è¦å‰²æŽ‰çš„“资本主义尾巴â€ã€‚è¿™æžå¤§åœ°å½±å“了农民æ£å¸¸çš„生活。
米罗诺夫：《历å²å¦å®¶å’Œç¤¾ä¼šå¦ã€‹ï¼ŒçŽ‹æ¸…和译，北京：åŽå¤å‡ºç‰ˆç¤¾ï¼Œ1988年，第64页。
ä½†æ˜¯ï¼Œä¼ ç»Ÿçš„åŠ›é‡æ˜¯æ— é™çš„，并会自己ä¸æ–开辟å‰è¿›çš„é“路。在生å˜ç©ºé—´æœ‰é™ä¸”有务工ç»å•†ä¼ 统的东å—沿海地区，家户个体性的工商活动从æ¥æ²¡æœ‰åœæ¢ã€‚许多家åºå†…的一些æˆå‘˜é€šè¿‡å¤–出务工åšå°ä¹°å–æ¥è´´è¡¥å®¶ç”¨ã€‚出于生å˜åŽ‹åŠ›ï¼ŒåŸºå±‚干部也默认这ç§æ´»åŠ¨ã€‚è¿™ç§å†œå·¥å•†ç»“åˆçš„历å²ä¼ 统éšç€å…¬ç¤¾åˆ¶çš„废除和家户ç»è¥åˆ¶çš„兴起而å¤å…´ã€‚这就是邓å°å¹³æ‰€è¯´çš„：乡镇ä¼ä¸šçš„异军çªèµ·ã€‚
改é©å¼€æ”¾ä»¥æ¥ï¼Œå†œå·¥å•†ç»“åˆçš„ä¼ ç»Ÿä¸ä»…ç„•å‘了历å²æ´»åŠ›ï¼Œè€Œä¸”跨越到新的高度，形æˆå†œå·¥å•†äº’è¡¥ç»æµŽçš„农æ‘å‘展é“路。农æ‘实行家åºæ‰¿åŒ…以åŽï¼Œå†œæ°‘摆脱了饥饿状æ€ï¼Œè¿‡ä¸Šäº†æ¢¦å¯ä»¥æ±‚的温饱生活，但农民的生活还ä¸å®½ä½™ã€‚改é©å¼€æ”¾ä»¥åŽä¸å›½å‡ºçŽ°çš„“富裕æ‘â€éƒ½ä¸æ˜¯ä¾é 农业致富的，且这类富裕æ‘人å£ä»…å ä¸å›½å†œæ‘人å£çš„æžå°‘æ•°ã€‚å¤–å‡ºåŠ¡å·¥å› æ¤æˆä¸ºå¤§å¤šæ•°å†œæ°‘家户的选择，也æˆä¸ºå†œæˆ·çš„é‡è¦æ”¶å…¥æ¥æºã€‚自1990年代以æ¥ï¼Œéžå†œæ”¶å…¥å¼€å§‹æˆä¸ºå†œæˆ·æ”¶å…¥ï¼Œç‰¹åˆ«æ˜¯çŽ°é‡‘收入的主体部分。农工商结åˆä¼ 统ä¸ä»…巩固了家户ç»è¥åˆ¶ï¼Œä¸ºå®¶æˆ·ç»æµŽå¸¦æ¥äº†æ´»åŠ›å’ŒåŠ¨åŠ›ï¼Œè€Œä¸”富裕了农民，促进了农æ‘å‘展。ä¸å›½æ•°äº¿å†œæ°‘背井离乡在外务工，ç»åŽ†ç€åƒè¾›ä¸‡è‹¦ï¼ŒåŸºæœ¬åŠ¨åŠ›ä¾¿æ˜¯æ”¹å–„家åºç»æµŽçŠ¶å†µã€‚ä¸å›½å†œæ°‘ä¸ä»…进了城，而且出了国。许多农民家åºç”±åœ°é“的农户æˆä¸ºä¸“门从事工商活动的专业户，有的迅速å‘展æˆä¸ºâ€œå†œæ°‘ä¼ä¸šå®¶â€è€Œå·¥å•†ç»æµŽæ´»è·ƒçš„沿海地区也æˆä¸ºä¸å›½å†œæ‘率先进入å°åº·çš„地区。
æ ¹æ®é©¬å…‹æ€ä¸»ä¹‰ç†è®ºï¼Œå°å†œç»æµŽç”±äºŽå…¶è„†å¼±æ€§ï¼Œåœ¨å¸‚场ç»æµŽæ¡ä»¶ä¸‹å¾ˆéš¾é¿å…ç ´äº§çš„å‘½è¿ã€‚å› ä¸ºï¼Œå¸‚åœºç»æµŽæ˜¯è´§å¸ç»æµŽï¼Œè€Œå°å†œæˆ·æ˜¯æœ€ç¼ºé’±çš„。他们在以实物为主的自然ç»æµŽæ¡ä»¶ä¸‹é¢ä¸´çš„风险更å°ï¼Œåœ¨è´§å¸ç»æµŽæ¡ä»¶ä¸‹é¢ä¸´çš„风险更大，贫富分化也更çªå‡ºã€‚è¿™æ£æ˜¯é©¬å…‹æ€ä¸»ä¹‰ç»å…¸ä½œå®¶å¸Œæœ›æ”¹é€ å°å†œç»æµŽçš„é‡è¦åŽŸå› 所在。改é©å¼€æ”¾ä»¥æ¥ï¼Œå†œæ°‘通过外出务工ç»å•†ï¼Œè¿›è¡Œè‡ªæˆ‘“以工补农â€æˆåŠŸåœ°é¿å…了大é‡å®¶æˆ·é™·å…¥å›°å¢ƒç”šè‡³ç ´äº§çš„命è¿ã€‚而改é©å¼€æ”¾ä»¥æ¥çš„ä¸å›½å†œä¸šå‘展，æ£æ˜¯ä»¥ä¸€ä¸ªä¸ªæ²¡æœ‰ç ´äº§çš„家户为é‡è¦æ”¯æ’‘的。
相较而言，俄国缺ä¹å®¶æˆ·åŸºç¡€ä¸Šçš„农工商结åˆä¼ 统。在当今，尽管俄国实行了较为彻底的土地ç§æœ‰åŒ–政ç–和比ä¸å›½æ›´é«˜çš„国家补贴农民政ç–，但由于农业生产者缺ä¹ä»¥å·¥è¡¥å†œå’Œä»¥å·¥å¯Œå†œçš„ä¼ ç»Ÿå’Œæ•ˆåº”ï¼Œå› æ¤å†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§å’Œå†œæ‘å‘展并ä¸ç†æƒ³ï¼Œä¸Žå…¶ä¸°åŽšçš„自然æ¡ä»¶æ›´ä¸æˆæ¯”例。在å°åº¦ï¼Œå°½ç®¡å¤§é‡å†œæ°‘开始脱离土地，但他们进城åŽä»ç„¶ä»Žäº‹çš„是低级工作，收入也有é™ï¼Œå¹¶å½¢æˆäº†ä¸€ä¸ªä¸ªè´«å›°è€…å±…ä½çš„'贫民窟“。
ä¸å®¹è®³è¨€ï¼Œä¸å›½å†œæ‘和农民ä»ç„¶å¤„于ä¸å‘达和ä¸å¯Œè£•çŠ¶æ€ï¼Œæ„ˆæ¥æ„ˆå¤šçš„农民离开土地，农æ‘出现“空心化â€è¶‹åŠ¿ã€‚而è¦ç¨³ä½å†œæ°‘，必须富裕农民。其ä¸ï¼Œè¦å¼˜æ‰¬å®¶æˆ·åŸºç¡€ä¸Šçš„农工商结åˆä¼ 统，形æˆå†œå·¥å•†äº’è¡¥ç»æµŽã€‚一是家户æˆå‘˜åˆ†å·¥åˆ†ä¸šï¼Œä¸€éƒ¨åˆ†é€‚宜éžå†œäº§ä¸šæ´»åŠ¨çš„人从农业分离出去，将土地留给愿æ„从事农业活动的家åºæˆå‘˜ç§æ¤ï¼Œä»¥æ‰©å¤§å®¶åºç»è¥è§„模。二是从å„个层次将工商业活动产生的利润尽å¯èƒ½è¿”è¿˜å†œä¸šç”Ÿäº§é¢†åŸŸï¼Œä»¥å¢žåŠ å†œæ°‘æ”¶å…¥ã€‚
五ã€å®¶æˆ·äº’助åˆä½œä¼ 统与农æ‘åˆä½œé“è·¯1990年代，曹锦清在其《黄河边的ä¸å›½ã€‹ä¸€ä¹¦ä¸æ出ä¸å›½å†œæ°‘“善分ä¸å–„åˆâ€å¹¶ç”±æ¤å¼•èµ·äº†ä¸€åœºè®¨è®ºã€‚其实，ä¸å›½å†œæ°‘并ä¸æ˜¯å¤©ç”Ÿçš„“善分ä¸å–„åˆâ€è€Œæ˜¯ç‰¹åˆ«åœ°æ³¨é‡äº’助åˆä½œçš„对象和范围。å¯ä»¥è¯´ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·äº’助åˆä½œçš„“åˆâ€çš„ä¼ ç»Ÿä¸Žå®¶æˆ·ä¹‹é—´çš„â€œåˆ†â€çš„ä¼ ç»Ÿä¸€æ ·æ‚ ä¹…ã€‚
ä¸å›½æœ‰ç€æ‚ ä¹…çš„å®¶æˆ·åˆ¶ä¼ ç»Ÿï¼Œä¸€å®¶ä¸€æˆ·æ˜¯åŸºæœ¬çš„ç”Ÿäº§å’Œç”Ÿæ´»å•ä½ã€‚但是，家户并ä¸æ˜¯å®Œå…¨å¤ç«‹çš„，å³ä¾¿æ˜¯ç‹¬å¤„一地的å•å®¶ç‹¬æˆ·ï¼Œä¹Ÿä¼šä¸Žå¤–ç•Œå‘生è”系，ä¸å¯èƒ½ç”Ÿå˜ä¸‹åŽ»çš„。åªæ˜¯åœ¨ä¸å›½ï¼Œå®¶æˆ·ä¹‹é—´çš„互助åˆä½œä¸»è¦æ˜¯åœ¨ä»¥å®¶æˆ·ä¸ºå•ä½çš„家æ—范围内进行的。
家户互助åˆä½œçš„对象主è¦æ˜¯å®¶æ—邻里æˆå‘˜ï¼Œæ˜¯ä¸Žæœ¬å®¶æˆ·åœ°åŸŸç›¸è¿‘的人。农业生产是以土地为基础的，人们ä¾åœŸåœ°è€Œå±…，分散性是其é‡è¦ç‰¹ç‚¹ã€‚农æ‘å› æ¤æµè¡Œç€å¤šæ˜¯åœ¨äº²ç¼˜å…³ç³»çš„基础上形æˆçš„，许多æ‘庄的æˆå‘˜å±žäºŽåŒä¸€å§“æ°ï¼Œæœ‰å…±åŒçš„先，æ‘庄的å称往往都是由æŸä¸€å§“命åçš„ã€‚å› æ¤ï¼Œå†œæ‘社会实际是亲æ—社会。地域相近的人更多的是本家æ—的人，或者沾亲带故的人。
家户互助åˆä½œçš„基础是家æ—信任。互助åˆä½œæ„味ç€ä¸åŒå®¶æˆ·ä¹‹é—´çš„å…±åŒæ´»åŠ¨ï¼Œæ´»åŠ¨è€…相互之间信任是互助åˆä½œçš„基础。社会交往的对象å¯åˆ†ä¸ºé™Œç”Ÿäººã€ç†Ÿäººå’Œäº²äººã€‚å…¶ä¸ï¼Œäº²äººçš„信任基础最为牢固。家æ—æˆå‘˜ä¸ä»…地域相近，更é‡è¦çš„是血缘相åŒã€‚家æ—社会除了共åŒåˆ©ç›Šä»¥å¤–，还有情感ç‰å› ç´ ã€‚å®¶æˆ·åœ¨äº’åŠ©åˆä½œä¸é¦–先选择与自己血缘和地域相近的“亲戚â€å³æ‰€è°““亲帮亲，邻帮邻â€ã€‚è¿™ç§åŸºäºŽå®¶æ—信任的互助åˆä½œæˆæœ¬æ˜¯æœ€ä½Žçš„。
家户互助åˆä½œçš„范围很广泛。在生产活动ä¸æœ‰æ¢å·¥ï¼Œå†œå¿™æ—¶ä½ å¸®åŠ©æˆ‘ï¼Œæˆ‘å¸®åŠ©ä½ ã€‚æ—¥å¸¸ç”Ÿæ´»ä¸çš„互助更多，农æ‘社会æˆå‘˜æ¯é€¢ç”Ÿæ´»ä¸çš„“大事â€å¦‚婚丧å«å¨¶ï¼Œä¸€å®¶ä¸€æˆ·éƒ½ä¸å¯èƒ½å•ç‹¬å®Œæˆï¼Œéœ€è¦ä»–人，特别是亲戚的“帮忙â€ã€‚农æ‘社会æˆå‘˜é‡åˆ°'天ç¾äººç¥¸â€œç”Ÿè®¡å›°éš¾æ—¶ï¼Œä¹Ÿä¼šæ‰¾äº²æˆšå¸®åŠ©ã€‚家æ—之间的â€å¸®å¿™â€œä¸ä¼šä»¥èµ¤è£¸è£¸çš„利益æ¥ç®—计，而是长期互相帮助的感情积累。å³ä½¿åœ°ä¸»ä¹Ÿæ˜¯æ—人，也è¦å°½æ—人的义务，而且è¦ä¸ºå½“地尽更多的é“德义务æ‰èƒ½å»ºç«‹èµ·ç¤¾ä¼šå¨æœ›ã€‚åªæœ‰é‚£äº›åŸŽå±…地主æ‰ä¸Žå†œæ°‘是赤裸裸的利益交æ¢ã€‚
家户互助åˆä½œçš„效果是彼æ¤é—´èƒ½å¤ŸèŽ·å¾—增益。家户互助åˆä½œå»ºç«‹åœ¨ä¸€å®¶ä¸€æˆ·éš¾ä»¥å®Œæˆæˆ–者完æˆä¸å¥½çš„事情之上，互助åˆä½œçš„结果必然是彼æ¤é—´éƒ½èƒ½å¤Ÿå¢žåŠ 收益。
è¿™ç§äº’助åˆä½œä»¥å®¶æˆ·ä¸ºåŸºç¡€ï¼Œä»¥å¢žåŠ 收益为目的，是一ç§åŒæ–¹è‡ªæ„¿æ€§çš„互助åˆä½œï¼Œæ²¡æœ‰å¤–部的干预和压力。
æ£å› 为如æ¤ï¼Œä¸å›½å†œæ°‘有互助åˆä½œçš„积æžæ€§å’ŒåŽ†å²ä¼ 统。å¯ä»¥è¯´ï¼Œç¦»å¼€äº†ä»¥å®¶æˆ·ä¸ºå•ä½çš„家æ—互助åˆä½œï¼Œä¸å›½çš„家户制是难以维
KMJ SF6 Gas Density Relay
It is applicable for monitoring the SF6 gas density in a sealed vessel. It can show gas density values on the site. When the gas density reaches the preset value, the contact-making device will send alarm and control signals. It can be widely used in electric equipment including SF6-insulated composite apparatus, circuit breakers, pole-mounted switches, transformers and mutual inductors. It provides solutions for new construction of transformer substations and inteligent reconstruction of existing transformer substations.
Gas Density Monitor,Density Monitor Meter Relay,Gas Density Monitoring Pressure Gauge,Gas Density Monitor For Circuit Breake
wuxi kaifeng pressure gauge co., ltd , https://www.wxkfmanometer.com